Immigration
Immigration is the international movement of people to a destination country of which they are not natives or where they do not possess citizenship in order to settle or reside there, especially as permanent residents or naturalized citizens, or to take up employment as a migrant worker or temporarily as a foreign worker. As for economic effects, research suggests that migration is beneficial both to the receiving and sending countries. Research, with few exceptions, finds that immigration on average has positive economic effects on the native population, but is mixed as to whether low-skilled immigration adversely affects low-skilled natives.
According to a Stanford University report written by Anna Grzymala-Busse ,Frank Fukuyama, Didi Kuo and Michael McFaul, addressing immigration challenges requires political debate, creative policymaking, and principled leadership. On this score, mainstream parties in both Europe and the United States are seen as having failed to address public fears and concerns about immigration. The authors wrote that “They struggle to articulate precisely the potential tradeoffs associated with immigration. For example, supporters of increased immigration point out that immigrants are more likely to be more entrepreneurial than to commit crimes, but opponents maintain that immigrants are more likely to rely on welfare services. Neither side addresses the other’s contentions. Immigrants are then blamed for the current grievances of the working class, who feel that immigrants ‘cut in line’ and obtain jobs, schooling, and other opportunities that rightfully belong to others.”
To authors, this “us-versus-them” framing of legitimate public policy issues impedes genuine reform. Further, while racism and xenophobia can drive anti-immigrant sentiment, so does the perceived flaunting of immigration laws. “If liberal democracies claim to observe the rule of law, then their failure to legally and formally regulate immigration belies these commitments. Countries like Canada and Australia that have admitted much larger number of immigrants proportionally than the United States nonetheless have not experienced serious populist movements, because there is virtually no illegal immigration to either country,” wrote the authors.
Meanwhile, according to an article by Matthew Goodwin, followers of radical and extreme right parties, often believe that a crisiswill bring them to power. As the old economic and political order breaks down they will be propelled into office by insecure and anxious voters, who are looking for parties that project discipline, strength and a nationalist ethos. He wrote that “Increased migration into Europe which began in the 1980s coincided with the Great Recession in 2008 and led to greater movement within Europe after the Schengen Agreement and enlargement of the EU. Unlike the economic turmoil in the 1930s, which erupted in countries that had little experience of multiculturalism, the Great Recession in 2008 emerged amidst a period of rising ethnic and cultural diversity.”
Goodwin continued “This appears especially important given a long tradition of research that suggests that both a decline in economic conditions and an increase in the size of minority populations are central to explaining increased prejudice in society. For example, studies have shown that public hostility toward immigrants is often strongest among economically insecure citizens, while at the extreme end of the spectrum outbursts of violence against minorities have also been traced to fears over growing economic competition. The crisis may have increased public concern over threats to national identity, anxiety over the effects of immigration and the general availability of scarce resources given this increased ‘ethnic competition’.”
According to Goodwin, these observations help to explain why the post-2008 crisis was followed by many predictions from commentators that Europe would witness an upsurge in public support for radical and extreme right-wing parties that are defined by their desire to protect the native group from ‘threatening’ others, to uphold traditional authoritarian values and attack established politicians for betraying the people. This is an old view, as it has long been argued that during periods of economic decline political actors assume an important and often manipulative role by targeting resentments and encouraging group conflict.
“In contemporary Europe the radical right targets economically vulnerable voters through a range of nativist, authoritarian and populist policies,” pointed Goodwin and added that “Aside from framing migrants, asylum-seekers and settled minority groups as a threat to resources, the radical right often advocates a position of ‘national preference’, arguing that the native group should be prioritized when distributing scarce resources. Some of these parties have also devoted greater effort to opposing globalization and the European Union, offering economically protectionist messages to their struggling blue-collar voters.”
This need to define “the people” and circle the wagons is why immigration is such a powerful weapon for populists. A focus on historical grievances toward immigrants allows populists to redefine “the people” to suit their political ends – and in particular, to argue the narrative that they are defending the cultural, political, and economic interests of their nation and citizens as victims of injustices brought about by an onslaught of immigrants. Strikingly, where immigration is more stringently regulated, as in Canada or Japan, populists struggle to use it as fodder for mobilization.
“In Europe, the refugee crisis in 2015 raised fears and benefited the populists. In Italy, for example, the rise of Matteo Salvini and the Lega nativist party was directly related to the closing of the Balkan route for immigrants from the Middle East, which subsequently channeled large numbers of immigrants into Italy. Even in countries where politicians openly refused to admit their quota of immigrants (most of Eastern and Central Europe), populists benefited from their purported defense of “national purity.” In addition to espousing welfare chauvinism, right-wing populists in Europe further claim to defend women’s and gay rights against the threat of Muslim cultural conservatism,” said the Stanford report.
Many argue that rising immigration can lead to greater support for populism. According to an article by Guillermo de la Dehesa, in the US, the percentage of the American population that is foreign-born almost tripled between 1970 (4.7 percent) and 2014 (13.7 percent), with Mexican-born immigrants constituting a substantial proportion of this recent growth. It is thus easy to see why Trump’s 2016 election campaign targeted Mexican immigrants, particularly undocumented immigrants, claiming that a crackdown on immigration was necessary to “make America great again”. During his campaign, he referred to Mexican immigrants as “rapists and criminals” and promised to build a “big, beautiful wall” along the Mexican border. To the article of de la Dehesa, evoking nostalgia for America’s past greatness partly explains why a large proportion of Trump’s supporters were white (especially those without a college degree), male, and older (aged 65 and above).
Read More
Odmalm, Pontus and Bale, Tim (2015) ‘Immigration into the mainstream: Conflicting ideological streams, strategic reasoning and party competition’, Acta Politica, 50 (4), pp. 365–378.
Bolin, N. & Hellström, J. (2017). Do mainstream parties emphasize immigration as a response to the radical right?. Paper presented at the Swedish Network for European Studies (SNES) conference, Umeå University, 27-28 March 2017.
Bolin, N. (2015). The Impact of the Swedish Populist Radical Right on the Immigration Agendas of the Established Parties and their MPs. Paper presented at the 2nd International Conference on Public Policy, July 2015, Milan, Italy.
McLaren, L., Boomgaarden, H. G., & Vliegenthart, R. (2017). News coverage and public concern about immigration in Britain. International Journal of Public Opinion Research. doi: 10.1093/ijpor/edw033
Vliegenthart, R., & Boomgaarden, H. G. (2007). Real-world Indicators and the Coverage of Immigration and Minorities’ Integration in Dutch Newspapers. European Journal of Communication, 22(3), 293-314. doi: 10.1177/0267323107079676
de Vreese, C. H., & Boomgaarden, H. G. (2005). Projecting EU Referendums: Fear of Immigration and Support for European Integration. European Union Politics, 6(1), 59-82. doi: 10.1177/1465116505049608
Van der Brug, W., van der Pas, D., van de Wardt, M., van Klingeren, M., de Vreese, C. H., de Lange, S., de Vries, C., Boomgaarden, H. G., & Vliegenthart, R. (2014). New lines of conflict: European integration and immigration. In: Carsten K.W. De Dreu (ed.) Social Conflict within and between Groups. London: Psychology Press.
Lecheler, S., Bos, L., & Vliegenthart, R. (2015). The mediating role of emotions: News framing effects on opinions about immigration. Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly, 92, 812-838. https://doi.org/10.1177/1077699015596338
Categories of analysis and categories of practice: a note on the study of Muslims in European countries of immigration — Brubaker, Rogers; Ethnic and Racial Studies, 01 January 2013, Vol.36(1), pp.1-8.
The Return of Assimiliation? Changing Perspectives on Immigration and Its Sequels in France, Germany, and the United States — Brubaker, Rogers; Ethnic and Racial Studies, July 2001, Vol.24(4), pp.531-548.
Comments on “Modes of Immigration Politics in Liberal Democratic States” — Brubaker, Rogers; International Migration Review, January 1995, Vol.29, pp.903-908.
Giorgia Bulli; Sorina Cristina Soare (2018). Immigration and the Refugee Crisis in a New Immigration Country: The Case of Italy. HRVATSKA I KOMPARATIVNA JAVNA UPRAVA, vol. Vol. 18, pp. 127-156, ISSN:1848-0357 Accesso ONLINE all’editore
Burgoon, B., Koster, F., & van Egmond, M. (2012). Support for redistribution and the paradox of immigration. Journal of European Social Policy, 22(3), 288-304. https://doi.org/10.1177/0958928712440198
Burgoon, B., Fine, J., Jacoby, W., & Tichenor, D. (2010). Immigration and the transformation of American unionism. The International Migration Review, 44(4), 933-973. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7379.2010.00831.x
Chouhy, Cecilia and Arelys Madero-Hernandez; “’Murderers, Rapists, and Bad Hombres’: Deconstructing the Immigration-Crime Myths”, Victims& Offenders. 2019,14(8): 1010-1039.
Conti, Nicolò & Di Mauro, Danilo & Memoli, Vincenzo. (2020). Immigration, security and the economy: who should bear the burden of global crises? Burden-sharing and citizens’ support for EU integration in Italy. Contemporary Italian Politics. 1-21. 10.1080/23248823.2020.1712015.
Conti, Nicolò & Di Mauro, Danilo & Memoli, Vincenzo. (2019). Citizens, immigration and the EU as a shield. European Union Politics. 10.1177/1465116519834648.
Damstra, A., Jacobs, L. C. N., Boukes, M., & Vliegenthart, R. (2019). The impact of immigration news on anti-immigrant party support: unpacking agenda-setting and issue ownership effects over time. Journal of Elections, Public Opinion and Parties. https://doi.org/10.1080/17457289.2019.1607863
van Heerden, S., de Lange, S. L., van der Brug, W., & Fennema, M. (2014). The immigration and integration debate in the Netherlands: discursive and programmatic reactions to the rise of anti-immigration parties. Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 40(1), 119-136. https://doi.org/10.1080/1369183X.2013.830881
Brosius, A., van Elsas, E. J., & de Vreese, C. H. (2019). How media shape political trust: News coverage of immigration and its effects on trust in the European Union. European Union Politics, 20(3), 447-467. https://doi.org/10.1177/1465116519841706
“A New Form of Politics: Brexit, The Campaign War and the Importance of the Immigration Issue.” James F. Downes, Chris Hanley, True Blue: A Parliament Street Book, Ed: Patrick J. Sullivan, Najjar, Nabil, H.) Delta Strategies Limited, Parliament Street, 2017.
James F. Downes, Matthew Loveless, “The 2008-2013 Economic Crisis in Europe: Extreme Right-Wing and Center Right Party Competition on the Salience of Immigration.” European Union Academic Programme Hong Kong (Working Paper Series), 2016.
“Playing the Immigration Card? Extreme Right-Wing Party Strategy during the 2008-2013 Economic Crisis in Europe.” James F. Downes, European Union Academic Programme Hong Kong (Working Paper Series), 2016.
The political consequences of contemporary immigration — Eger, Maureen A.; Bohman, Andrea; Sociology Compass, John Wiley & Sons 2016, Vol. 10, (10): 877-892
Immigration or Welfare?: The Progressive’s Dilemma Revisited — Kulin, Joakim; Eger, Maureen A.; Hjerm, Mikael; Socius: Sociological Research for a Dynamic World, Sage Publications 2016, Vol. 2: 1-15
Filindra, A. and J. Junn (2012) “Aliens and People of Color: The Multidimensional Relationship of Immigration Policy and Racial Classification in the U.S.,” in D. Tichenor and M. Rosenblum, eds. Oxford Handbook of International Migration. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, pp. 429-455
Filindra, A. (2013) “What to Make of the Golden Dawn? The Crisis of Welfare Capitalism, Immigration and the New Spring of the Extreme Right,” Migration and Citizenship, 1(2):57-59.
Ivarsflaten, E; Blinder, S. and Ford, R (2010) “The anti-racism norm in Western European immigration politics: Why we need to consider it and how to measure it.”, Journal of Elections, Public Opinion and Parties Vol 20 (4): 421-45.
Acceptable and Unacceptable Immigrants: How Opposition to Immigration in Britain is Affected by Migrants’ Region of Origin — Ford, Robert; Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 2011, Vol.37(7), pp.1017-1037.
Goldschmidt, T. (2017). Immigration, Social Cohesion, and the Welfare State: Studies on Ethnic Diversity in Germany and Sweden.Stockholm: Stockholm University. Comprehensive summary available from DiVA.
Goodwin, M. (2014). A breakthrough moment or false dawn? The great recession and the radical right in Europe. In: Sandelind, C. ed. European Populism and Winning the Immigration Debate. European Liberal Forum, pp. 15-40.
Hagelund, Anniken. (2004). The constitutive outside of decency. Racism in immigration political discourse in Norway. Tidsskrift for samfunnsforskning. 45. 3-29.
Hutchins, R. D. and Halikiopoulou, D. (2019) Enemies of liberty? Nationalism, immigration and the framing of terrorism in the agenda of the Front National. Nations and Nationalism, 26 (1). pp. 67-84. ISSN 1469-8129 doi: https://doi.org/10.1111/nana.12555
Harteveld, E., Kokkonen, A., & Dahlberg, S. (2017). Adapting to party lines: the effect of party affiliation on attitudes to immigration. West European Politics, 40(6), 1177-1197. https://doi.org/10.1080/01402382.2017.1328889
Capelos, Tereza, and Alexia Katsanidou. 2018. “Reactionary politics: Explaining the psychological roots of anti-preferences in European integration and immigration debates.” Political Psychology 39 (6): 1271-1288. doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/pops.12540.
Whiteshift: populism, immigration and the future of white majorities, (Penguin (Allen Lane), October 25, 2018). Published in North America with Abrams/Overlook Press (February 2019).
‘Ethno‐traditional nationalism and the challenge of immigration,’ Nations and Nationalism 25 (2) 2019, 435-448.
Beyer, A., & Matthes, J. (2015). Public perceptions of the media coverage of irregular immigration. Comparative insights from France, the United States and Norway. American Behavioral Scientist, 59(7), 839-857.
“Germany in Transition: Immigration, Racism and the Extreme Right,” Michael W. Minkenberg, Hermann Kurthen, in Nations and Nationalism, vol. 1, No. 2 (1995), pp. 175-196.
L. Morales, ‘Assessing the Effects of Immigration and Diversity in Europe’, Journal of Elections, Public Opinion and Parties, 2013, vol. 23(3).
L. Morales, J.B. Pilet and D. Ruedin, ‘The gap between public preferences and policies on immigration: A comparative examination of the effect of politicisation on policy congruence’, Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 2015, vol. 41(9): 1495-1516. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1369183X.2015.1021598
L. Morales, S. Pardos-Prado & V. Ros, ‘Issue emergence and the dynamics of electoral competition around immigration in Spain’, Acta Politica, 2015, vol. 50(4) 461-485. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/ap.2014.33
L. Morales & A. Echazarra, ‘Will we all hunker down? The impact of immigration and diversity on local communities in Spain’, Journal of Elections, Public Opinion and Parties, 2013, vol. 23(3): 343-366.
L. Morales & L. Ramiro, “Gaining Political Capital through Social Capital. Inclusion in Policy Making and Network Embeddedness of Immigrants’ Associations in Spain”, Mobilization, 2011, vol 16(2), June 2011: 147-164.
P. Castelli-Gattinara & L. Morales, ‘The politicization and securitization of migration in Western Europe: Public opinion, political parties and the immigration issue’ in P. Bourbeau (ed.), Handbook on Migration and Security, Cheltenham: Edward Elgar Press, 2017.
V. Ros & L. Morales, ‘The politicization of immigration in Spain’ in W. van der Broug, G. D’Amato, J. Berkhout and D. Ruedin (eds.), The politicisation of immigration, London: Routledge. 2015. http://www.routledge.com/books/details/9781138852792/
The single-issue party thesis: extreme right parties and the immigration issue — Mudde, Cas, West European Politics, Jul 1999, Vol.22(3), pp.182-197.
Globalisation, immigration and multiculturalism – the European and Australian experiences — Pakulski, Jan; Markowski, Stefan; Journal of Sociology, March 2014, Vol.50(1), pp.3-9.